论文快递: 第一百八十六期
编者按
Urban Studies 每年投稿量为1000多篇，每年发表16期，共180篇论文左右。由于稿件量大，文章从接收到正式出版周期较长，因此编辑部会在稿件接收排版后的第一时间在网上发布论文全文 (Online First) 。"论文快递" 栏目将同步推出网上刊登的最新论文，方便读者了解Urban Studies的最新动态，敬请关注！
本期为“论文快递”栏目的第一百八十六期，将介绍Urban Studies Online First的五篇论文。主题包括新冠肺炎与城市非正规性，民族居住隔离，城市基础设施修补，去工业化与从属去增长d政治，土地开发非正规性与土地政治，欢迎阅读。
01
COVID-19 and urban informality: Exploring the implications of the pandemic for the politics of planning and inequality
新冠肺炎与城市非正规性：探索疫情对规划和不平等政治的影响
AbstractThe COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted a major contradiction in contemporary urban planning. This is the relationship between the entrepreneurial modes of urban politics that shape contemporary planning practice and the interrelated dynamics of economic precarity and informalisation of low-income communities that exacerbate contagion, and therefore enable pandemic spread. Through a review of literature on the urban dimensions of COVID-19, and on the historical relationship between pandemics and urban planning, we develop a framework for analysing the debates that are emerging around planning approaches to addressing contemporary pandemic risk in low-income, informalised communities. We argue that post-pandemic debates about urban planning responses are likely to take shape around three discourses that have framed approaches to addressing informalised communities under entrepreneurial urbanism – a revanchist approach based on territorial stigmatisation of spaces of the poor, an incrementalist approach premised on addressing the most immediate drivers of contagion, and a reformist approach that seeks to address the structural conditions that have produced economic precarity and shelter informality. We further argue that any effort to assess the political outfall of the COVID-19 pandemic in a given context needs to take an inter-scalar approach, analysing how debates over informality take shape at the urban and national scales.
新冠疫情凸显了当代城市规划中的一个主要矛盾。即影响当代规划实践的城市政治创业模式与经济不稳定和低收入社区非正规化这些相互关联因素之间的矛盾，这些因素加剧了传染，从而使流行病蔓延。通过研究有关新冠城市层面的文献，以及关于流行病与城市规划之间历史关系的文献，我们制定了一个框架来分析关于某些规划方案的争论，这些规划方案旨在解决低收入、非正规社区中的当代流行病风险。我们认为，在后疫情时代，关于城市规划响应的争论可能会围绕三种话语形式产生，这些话语构成了在创业型城市化下，应对非正正规社区的方法。这些方法包括：复仇主义方法，该方法基于对穷人空间的领土污名化；渐进主义方法， 此方法基于导致传染病发生的最直接因素的解决；以及改革主义方法，该方法寻求解决导致经济不稳定和住房非正规性的结构性条件。我们进一步指出，任何评估在特定背景下新冠疫情的政治争论的研究，都需要采取跨标量的方法，分析关于非正规性的争论是如何在城市和国家范围内形成的。
Built environment, COVID-19, health, inequality, informality
原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221141181
02
Ethnic residential segregation in the city of Milan at the interplay between social class, housing and labour market
社会阶层、住房和劳动力市场相互作用下的米兰市民族居住隔离
Abstract
This article analyses the spatial distribution of foreigners living in the city of Milan, based on data from the civil registry and relying on theories and methods from the residential segregation literature, exploring the dimensions of evenness, exposure, concentration, centralisation and clustering, as well as analysing migrants’ over/under-representation in specific areas through maps of their location quotients. Despite the low degree of ethnic residential segregation detected, we highlight the presence of persistent dynamics that exclude ethnic minorities from the wealthiest areas of the city. The most relevant case is that of the Chinese, clustering in some peripheral areas north of the historic centre, where they have established an enclave economy, often making their residence coincide with their workplace and running commercial activities mostly directed towards their compatriots. The Egyptians, constituting the most numerous foreign group in the city, show a completely different settlement pattern, being more integrated into the social tissue and more scattered throughout the city. In the context of a city strongly polarised between a wealthy centre and progressively deprived peripheral belts, the only foreign groups with a marked presence in the city core are those traditionally employed in domestic work, which are however excluded from life in the public places in which they reside. Overall, the class dimension seems to prevail over the ethnic in shaping population settlement patterns within the city.
摘要 本文基于民事登记处的数据，依托居住隔离文献中的理论和方法，分析了居住在米兰市的外国人的空间分布，探索了均匀度、暴露度、集中度、中心度和集群度等维度，并通过区位商地图，分析了移民在特定地区的代表情况，是过度代表了还是代表不足。尽管有资料显示米兰的民族居住隔离程度较低，但本文强调将少数民族排除在城市最富裕地区之外的现象是一直存在的。最相关的案例是中国人，他们聚集在历史中心以北的一些周边地区，在那里建立了飞地经济，通常他们的住所与工作场所重合，开展主要针对其同胞的商业活动。埃及人作为城市中数量最多的外来族群，表现出截然不同的聚居模式，他们更好地融入了社会组织，在城市中更加分散。在两极分化极其严重的城市，一边是富裕的城市中心，一边是日益贫困的外围地带，在城市核心地区，明显能够看到的外国群体只是那些传统上从事家政工作的人，然而他们被排除在他们所居住区域的公共生活之外。总的来说，在塑造城市内的人口聚居模式方面，阶级维度似乎比种族影响更大。
ethnic segregation, urban segregation, residential segregation, Milan, foreigners
民族隔离, 城市隔离, 居住隔离, 米兰, 外国人
03
Urban infrastructure patching: Citizen-led solutions to infrastructure ruptures
城市基础设施修补：公民主导的基础设施破裂解决方案
AbstractThis article explores how citizens respond to ruptures and problems in the places they inhabit by enacting adaptive improvised and incremental urban infrastructure patching. This might relate to citizens deciding to undertake small scale interventions in their communities to develop solutions to problems that are being overlooked by local government; or it might involve a community response to an ongoing systemic place-based problem that formal agencies involved in managing change are not addressing. This paper develops the concept of urban infrastructure patching with reference to conceptual debates and informed by research undertaken in Birmingham, UK. Drawing upon observations, interviews, and collective art projects, citizen-led urban patching is identified as an important urban intervention process that emerges in response to tensions between professional urban policymakers’ ostensive views of a place and the lived experiences of inhabitants. Cities are in a continual process of becoming and this includes the impacts of citizen end-user adaptive and incremental patching to maintain and enhance urban social-material environments. Two distinct contributions are made. First, citizen-end-user urban patching is based on residents’ experiences of perceived or actual ruptures in local urban infrastructure. Secondly, patching in response to ruptures is an individual and collective response. As a collective response, the power of numbers can bring about transformational change in places, but such participatory action is often viewed as challenging existing hegemonic power structures associated with representative democracy, whereas citizen-led responses can serve as a useful and parallel activity to urban government if it is legitimised.
本文探讨市民如何采用适应性的临时措施和渐进式措施，进行城市基础设施修补，以此来应对居住地的破损和其它问题。这些措施可能涉及公民决定在他们所在社区采取小规模干预措施，以制定解决方案来解决被当地政府忽视的问题；或者可能涉及社区对管理变革的正规机构没有解决的、持续的系统性地方问题的回应。本文参照在英国伯明翰进行的概念讨论和研究，审视了城市基础设施的修补。根据观察、访谈和集体艺术项目，公民主导的城市修补被认为是重要的城市干预过程，其出现是为了应对专业城市政策制定者与居民之间的矛盾，那些政策制定者对一个地方的主观看法往往与居民的生活体验不一致。城市处于不断变化的过程中，这包括作为最终用户的公民为了维持和改善城市社会物质环境而采取的适应性和渐进式修补措施所带来的影响。本论文提出了两个独特观点：首先，公民主导的最终用户城市修补是基于居民对当地城市基础设施中注意到的或实际破损的体验。其次，针对破损进行修补是个人的，也是集体的回应。作为集体回应，众多公民的力量可以带来地方的变革，但这种参与行动通常被视为挑战与代议制民主相关的现有霸权权力结构，而公民主导的对城市政府的回应如果合法化，可以作为有用的平行活动。
Keywords Birmingham, citizen-led end-user innovation, infrastructure, improvisation, legitimacy, urban patching
关键词
伯明翰, 公民主导的最终用户创新, 基础设施, 即兴, 合法性, 城市修补
04
Deindustrialisation and the politics of subordinate degrowth: The case of Greater Buenos Aires, Argentina
去工业化与从属去增长的政治：以阿根廷大布宜诺斯艾利斯为例
Seth Schindler（英国曼彻斯特大学）
J Miguel Kanai（英国谢菲尔德大学）
Javier Diaz Bay（阿根廷卢扬国立大学）
首次出版时间：2023/1/15｜研究论文
Abstract
Cities in low- and middle-income countries have experienced deindustrialisation as localised agglomerations that historically served domestic and regional markets have become exposed to highly productive global value chains as capital has been (re)allocated to primary sectors. State, corporate and social actors have responded to economic decline by embracing a range of coping and adaptation strategies, some of which are consistent with degrowth, but they are often combined with business-as-usual initiatives in pursuit of economic growth. We refer to this as subordinate degrowth because localised responses are conditioned by the subordinate position of countries and cities in the global economy. While we acknowledge its divergence from ‘pure’ ideal-type degrowth, we do not dismiss the transformative potential of incremental change. Indeed, we argue that any realistic strategy to spatialise degrowth within cities must recognise the indeterminacy and messiness of urban politics. We employ subordinate degrowth as an analytic to interpret responses to deindustrialisation and economic decline in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Our analysis attends to three meso-level blind spots that characterise much degrowth scholarship, between (1) particular and universal, (2) advanced-industrial and agrarian ideal-types and (3) past/current socio-technical regimes and ‘pure’ degrowth.
摘要
低收入和中等收入国家的城市经历了去工业化，成为历史上服务于国内和区域市场的本地化集聚地，并且随着资本被（重新）分配到初级部门而暴露于高生产率的全球价值链。国家、企业和社会行为者通过采取一系列应对策略和适应策略来应对经济衰退，其中一些与去增长相一致，但它们通常与追求经济增长的老一套举措相结合。我们将其称为从属去增长，因为本地化反应取决于国家和城市在全球经济中的从属地位。虽然我们承认它与“纯粹的”理想型去增长存在差异，但我们并没有忽视渐进式变革的变革潜力。事实上，我们认为，任何在城市内实现去增长的现实战略都必须承认城市政治的不确定性和混乱性。我们采用从属去增长作为分析手段，来解释阿根廷布宜诺斯艾利斯对去工业化和经济衰退的反应。我们的分析涉及三个中观层面的盲点，这些盲点是许多去增长学术研究的重点，它们是：（1）特殊和普遍，（2）先进工业和农业理想类型以及（3）过去/当前的社会技术制度和“纯粹”去增长。关键词
布宜诺斯艾利斯, 去增长, 去工业化, 金融化, 城市政治
05
Ambivalent insurgencies: Citizenship, land politics and development in Hanoi and its periurban fringe
矛盾的反叛：河内及其周边地区的公民身份、土地政治和发展
AbstractThis article examines the Vietnamese state’s ambivalence towards insurgent assertions of urban citizenship in and around Hanoi. In the 1980s and 1990s, it tolerated the lawbreaking construction of self-built housing in the city centre and eventually extended self-builders land use rights for their extralegal claims. In the 2000s and 2010s, however, the state violently cracked down on periurban villagers using insurgent strategies to resist the expropriation of their agricultural land for master-planned real estate developments. I suggest that the insurgency of self-builders precipitated a regime of graduated land use rights wherein the informal, extralegal claims of self-builders have been more respected than the formal, legal claims of periurban villagers. I ultimately argue that the state’s ambivalent responses to insurgency result from its pursuit of a materially shifting ideology of developmentalism. I also find that the success of insurgency derives from how the interests of citizens, the local state and the national state align and realign with one another.
摘要
本文探讨了对于河内及其城郊发生的、要求城市公民权的反叛性主张，越南政府所表现出来的矛盾心理。20世纪80年代和90年代，越南政府容忍在市中心非法建设自建房，并最终延长了自建者们非法索要的土地使用权。然而，在 2000 年代和 2010 年代，政府对城郊反叛村民进行了暴力镇压，那些村名使用反叛策略来抗议政府将他们的农田征用，用于总体规划的房地产开发。我认为自建者的反叛导致了一种分级土地使用权制度的出现，在那种制度下，自建者非正规的、非法索要的土地使用权比城郊村民正式的、合法的权利更受尊重。最后，我认为，越南政府对反叛的矛盾反应源于其追求发展主义思想的实质性转变。我还发现，反叛的成功源于公民、地方政府和国家利益的相互协调，以及重新调整。
关键词
公民权, 开发, 住房, 非正规性, 土地使用, 政治
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