为了更好地传播知识，推动期刊国际合作，本刊与 Urban Studies 城市研究 杂志达成网络合作，不定期推送友刊的精选文章摘要。读者们可以借此了解国际城市研究的新动向，同时学习城市研究领域学术英文的正规表达。欢迎大家批评指正。Fifty years of
Business Improvement Districts: A reappraisal of the dominant perspectives and
debates
五十年的商业改善区：重新评估主流观点和辩论
Abstract: Originally created in
1970 by a small group of business people in Toronto’s Bloor West Village,
Business Improvement Districts (hereafter BIDs) have become commonplace urban
revitalisation strategies in cities across the world. Many critical urban
scholars have conceptualised BIDs as neoliberal organisations and have
resultantly critiqued their role in contemporary urban governance. With BIDs
now existing for over 50 years, the purpose of
this paper is to provide an overdue reappraisal of the BID research and orient
future scholarship. After describing key debates from early BID research, this
paper analyses two distinct themes in more recent scholarship: (1) BID policy
mobility, and (2) BIDs and social regulation. As the BID model has been
transferred to new locations across both the Global North and South, its rapid
mobility demonstrates the permeability, resilience and limits of neoliberal
urban policies. Moreover, BIDs’ social control tactics highlight how these
organisations are shaped by a neoliberal logic that seeks to manage and control
urban spaces in ways that attract desirable consumers and exclude the visible
poor. This paper outlines the origins of both bodies of work and traces common
patterns and variances over time. It concludes by highlighting gaps in the
existing literature and offers suggestions for future work.摘要：商业改善区（以下简称BID）最初由多伦多布鲁尔西村（Bloor West Village）的一小群商界人士于1970年创建，现已成为世界各地城市振兴策略的通行做法。许多批判性城市学者将BID概念化为新自由主义组织，并因此批评了它们在当代城市治理中的作用。由于BID已经存在了50多年，本文的目的是对BID研究进行一项姗姗来迟的重新评估，并为未来的学术研究指明方向。在阐述了早期BID研究的关键辩论后，本文分析了近期学术研究中的两个不同主题：（1）BID政策流动性，以及（2）BID和社会监管。随着BID模式被复制到全球北方和全球南方的新地点，其快速流动性证明了新自由主义城市政策的渗透性、韧性和局限性。此外，BID的社会控制策略凸显了这些组织如何受到新自由主义逻辑的影响，这种逻辑寻求以吸引理想消费者和排斥可见的贫困阶层的方式管理和控制城市空间。本文概述了这两种工作的起源，并追踪了长期中的共同模式和差异。最后，我们强调现有文献中的空白，并为未来的研究工作提供了建议。Keywords: Business Improvement
Area, Business Improvement District, neoliberal urbanism, policy mobility,
social control关键词：商业改善区, 商业改善分区, 新自由主义城市化, 政策流动性，社会控制原文地址：https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211066420
Can residents
regain their community relations after resettlement? Insights from Shanghai
Abstract: This article investigates
whether residents have been able to regain their sense of belonging and
neighbourliness after being resettled in urban China and what factors have
prevented or enabled them to do so. There is a growing body of work examining
the post-resettlement community relations of residents. However, this process
of community rebuilding is mostly understood as resident-led and little is
known about the role and influence of state actions such as state-led community
building and changing resettlement policies. Our study addresses this gap by
drawing on the case of Hesha Hangcheng which is one of Shanghai’s major
relocation settlements. Our findings, from analysing a household survey and
interviews, show that the sense of belonging and neighbourly relations of
residents are poorer compared to before they were resettled. The analysis
further reveals that residents who are more satisfied with their new housing
and neighbourhood tend to have better neighbourly relations and sense of
belonging compared to those who are not satisfied and feel they have lost out
from the resettlement. Additionally, the state’s efforts in rebuilding
communities by providing more community organisations and activities have given
residents a platform to encounter each other and help facilitate
neighbourliness and a sense of belonging. Theoretically, our study contributes
by revealing the interplay between residents and state-led community rebuilding
efforts and how they have affected post-resettlement community relations.摘要：本文调查了中国城市居民在重新安置后是否能够重新获得归属感和邻里感，以及影响他们获得归属感和邻里感的因素有哪些。针对居民重新安置后的社区关系的研究越来越多。然而，这一社区重建过程大多被理解为以居民为主导的，对于国家行动的作用和影响知之甚少，例如国家主导的社区建设和不断变化的重新安置政策。我们的研究以鹤沙航城——上海的一个主要易地搬迁安置点为案例来解决这一认识差距。通过分析家庭调查和访谈，我们发现，与搬迁前相比，居民的归属感和邻里关系更差。进一步分析表明，与那些不满意新居住地，感觉因为移居而有所损失的居民相比，对新住房和新居住区更满意的居民往往具有更好的邻里关系和归属感。此外，国家通过提供更多的社区组织和活动来重建社区，为居民提供了一个相互接触的平台，有助于促进邻里关系，并提升归属感。理论上，我们的研究有助于揭示居民和国家主导的社区重建工作之间的相互作用，以及它们是如何影响移居后的社区关系的。Keywords: community relations,
displacement, resettlement, state-led community building, Shanghai关键词：社区关系, 搬迁, 重新安置, 国家主导的社区建设, 上海原文地址：https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221129937Heat, cold and
climatic determinism in China’s urban epidemics
Abstract: ‘Thermal governance’ has been
discussed elsewhere as the regulation of temperature through infrastructure,
technology and social and political organisation. We extend it here to include
a subtle and heretofore under-recognised element of public health: the
governance of recent urban epidemics by the Chinese state. The SARS epidemic of
2002–2003 in Guangzhou and more markedly the COVID-19 epidemic in Wuhan
triggered massive emergency responses by public health authorities which
differed from previous strategies in more fully activating the state health
sector known in China as Chinese Medicine (zhongyi) and outside China as
Traditional Chinese Medicine. With this enlistment comes a body of theory and
practice which makes meteorology central to diagnostic and prescriptive
processes, and reinforces as part of state discourse the long-standing Chinese
cultural understanding of ‘heat’ as an internal micro-climatic element
transcending temperature.摘要：“热治理”在有些地方指的是通过基础设施、技术以及社会和政治组织调节温度。在本文中我们将其扩展到包括一个微妙的、迄今尚未得到认可的公共卫生要素：中国政府对近期对城市流行病的治理。2002—2003年广州爆发的非典疫情，以及影响更大的2019冠状病毒病，引发了公共卫生部门大规模应急反应，这些应急反应与之前的战略不同，更充分地激活了一个国家卫生领域，该领域在中国被称为“中医”，而在中国以外被称为“传统中国医学”（Traditional Chinese Medicine）。随之而来的是一系列理论和实践，使气象学成为诊断和处方开具流程的中心，并作为国家话语的一部分，加强了中国文化存在已久的对“热”的理解，把“热”看作一个超越温度的内部微气候要素。Keywords: Chinese Medicine, COVID-19,
epidemics, heat, SARS关键词：中医, 新冠肺炎, 流行病, 热, 非典型性肺炎（SARS）原文地址：https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221130272Hukou as
benefits: Demand for hukou and wages in China
Samantha A Vortherms（美国加利福尼亚大学欧文分校）Abstract: As China encourages
urbanisation, a necessary process is the urbanisation of its people, granting
local-urban hukou, or local citizenship, to migrant populations. But reforms
encouraging urbanisation are dependent on migrant populations wanting to become
formal, registered urban residents. What is the demand for hukou? Based on a
unique probabilistically-sampled contingent valuation survey of over 900
migrants in Beijing and Changsha, we use migrants’ willingness-to-pay for hukou
as a measure of demand for urbanisation. We find that migrants in Beijing are
willing to give up between 9% and 14% of their income over five years to gain
local-urban hukou. Migrants in Changsha are much less willing to pay for hukou
with a willingness-to-pay indistinguishable from zero, and rural migrants have
a negative willingness-to-pay. This study contributes to the broader literature
on the impact of China’s hukou system by providing a unique test of migrant
workers’ willingness-to-pay for local citizenship.摘要：随着中国鼓励城市化，一个必要的过程是其人口的城市化，即给予流动人口当地城市户口或当地市民身份。但鼓励城市化的改革有赖于流动人口渴望成为正式的、登记在册的城市居民。对户口的需求状况如何呢？基于对北京和长沙900多名农民工的独特概率抽样或有评估调查，我们使用农民工为户口付费的意愿作为城市化需求的衡量标准。我们发现，北京的农民工愿意花费其五年内9%~14%的收入来获得本地城市户口。在长沙，移民的付费意愿则要低得多，付费意愿几乎为零，而农民工的付费意愿则为负。通过对农民工为当地市民身份付费的意愿进行独特的测试，本研究为关于中国户口制度影响的更广泛的文献做出了贡献。Keywords: China, contingent valuation,
household registration, hukuo, migration, urbanization关键词：中国, 条件评估, 户籍登记, 迁移, 城市化原文地址：https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221074911推介 Urban Studies 期刊的最新文章和城市研究的最新动态搭建中国城市研究学者交流切磋的学术平台
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